In the wake of the election, organizing and advocacy groups around the country have grappled with how to best take on the Trump administration and its policies. For statewide groups like New Virginia Majority and New Florida Majority, both of which focus on grassroots organizing and building power through strategic electoral work, they have doubled down on local campaigns and issues. For them, building local power and winning local campaigns is what will set them up for long-term, transformative victories.

“We’re clear that we’re not an organization that’s going to be centered on Trump,” said Jasmine Leeward, 2017 ReFrame mentee and the communications associate at New Virginia Majority. After the election, New Virginia Majority “made the decision to only respond if there’s a way we can center our folks on the state level,” Leeward added.

That doesn’t mean New Virginia Majority hasn’t been running campaigns that target the policies pushed by the Trump administration — since January, the organization has campaigned on everything from the need for immigration reform and the attack on DACA, to criminal justice reform, to environmental justice campaigns that target companies in the coal industry.

“We’re clear on who it is we’re fighting for, and who our audience is,” Leeward said. “We’re building a movement and building an electorate that can be sustained for the long-run.”

Renee’ Mowatt, the communications coordinator at New Florida Majority and a 2017 ReFrame mentee, has a similar mindset.

“Part of the good thing about New Florida Majority is that we don’t disappear once the election cycle is over,” said Mowatt. At New Florida Majority, their focus has been on local organizing campaigns, with an emphasis on affordable housing and climate justice. At the end of July, one of their campaigns scored a victory when a bond initiative the organization had been pushing for was added to the November ballot. Known as the Miami Forever Bond, the proposal would, if passed, earmark funds for both affordable housing and climate resiliency programs in Miami. Getting this proposal on the ballot has allowed New Flordia Majority a seat at the table as they look to ensure that the potential funds don’t further facilitate gentrification in Miami neighborhoods.

According to Mowatt, crafting a communications strategy that highlighted the relationship between climate change and gentrification was critical in pushing that campaign forward and shifting the debate around climate mitigation in Miami. “A lot of times, what I’ve seen in Black and Latino communities is that people don’t necessarily see the links between climate change and their lives,” she said. “Making the link between climate change and gentrification has made the biggest impact.”

Spotlight: Responding to Hurricane Irma

When Hurricane Irma hit the Florida coast, New Florida Majority was prepared to respond. In 2016, they had already begun working with residents of low-income communities like Liberty City to prepare them for future hurricanes. In the days before Irma landed, New Florida Majority worked with organizations to create talking points and other communications materials. And immediately afterwards, they sprang into action, using communications tools like text messaging services and social media to both identify communities that were being neglected by local and state disaster relief authorities and to recruit volunteers to help with recovery work. Mowatt explained: “As the storm was happening, we started using the text platform to run polls and ask people if they were okay. And afterwards, using data from the poll, we set up in those vulnerable communities and sent people to those areas. We also ran social media ads to get volunteers and used our text platform to see who wasn’t in crisis and who could help out.” Those efforts had some impressive results: over the course of a few days, more than 300 volunteers showed up and knocked on doors, serving meals to more than 21,000 people across the state.

Through the door-knocking, said Mowatt, “We found a lot of people didn’t have the means or the transportation or the resources to get to a shelter. People didn’t have money to board up their homes, to buy food, to buy water, so we’re really holding up equity as the solution.” In the long-term recovery work, New Florida Majority will be pushing for more equitable disaster response and climate change mitigation policies. “The work that we did was great and awesome, but it’s not work we should have to do,” Mowatt said, adding that local, state, and federal agencies need to do more when it comes to preparing and strengthening low-income, immigrant, and Black and Latino communities in the face of increasing climate change. “We filled a gap that we shouldn’t need to fill. And that’s the narrative we’re pushing — not that government agencies did nothing, but that they didn’t do en​ough. We’re really trying to hold them accountable for both what happened and for ensuring that they have an an improved plan for the future.”

To donate to the Hurricane Irma Community Recovery Fund, go here: http://newfloridamajority.org/wp/get-involved/donate/irmacommunityrecoveryfund/.

The support of ReFrame has been essential in deepening their strategic communications skills. “The way we think of how to integrate communications has shifted in my organization,” Leeward said. One example is the campaign that New Virginia Majority is running targeting Norfolk Southern, a Fortune 500 company based in Norfolk that has a coal processing plant near a Black community. Where previously, they might not have thought of their media work strategically, they are now coming up with tactics that will directly put pressure on the company’s CEO. “We’ve thought differently about where to place articles. instead of the local paper, we’re thinking of journalists in a national business magazine, where that might be more important to him,” Leeward said.  

Both organizations are also gearing up for upcoming local elections. In the case of New Florida Majority, they’ve been pushing voter registration, hosting neighborhood forums, and creating candidate surveys. “We’re tired of our elected officials being dominated by money and business. It’s time for us to invest in candidates that represent our communities and have our communities’ best interests in mind,” Mowatt said. And New Virginia Majority is rolling out a targeted media strategy highlighting the importance of mobilizing the Black and Latinx electorate and ramping up their get out the vote efforts.

“We were here before Trump, and we’ll still be here after Trump, fighting the same fights,” Leeward said. “This isn’t just a fight that’s going to be over in one day.”

Immigrant rights organizations like Juntos, a Latinx grassroots group in Philadelphia, have been mobilizing powerfully in the months since Donald Trump took office. For Miguel Andrade, the communications manager at Juntos and a 2017 ReFrame mentee, strategic communications has played a critical role in their organizing work. “Right after the election, we knew the community needed to hear from us, so we put out the message that we’re not going to go back into the shadows, and we’re going to keep fighting,” Andrade said.

This year, Juntos began a campaign to establish community solidarity and safety, modeled after similar work in Arizona and Georgia. “We’re calling them ‘community resistance zones,’” Andrade said, noting that in Philadelphia (as in other cities), ICE has been ramping up their use of tactics such as targeting people’s homes and going to courts and detaining people at probation or immigration hearings. He added that the campaign is focused not only on immigrant detention, but the broader criminal justice system as well. “Philadelphia is a so-called ‘sanctuary city,’ but we still have stop-and-frisk happening, we still have cash bail. We need to highlight the fact that it’s two branches of the same corrupt tree that uses the same rhetoric,” Andrade said. “The immigrant detention system doesn’t work without the criminalization of Black and brown bodies. We can’t call ourselves a sanctuary city until all of us are protected.”

It’s especially important for the immigrant rights movement to think about what narratives are being pushed, Andrade said. He pointed to the story often told about Dreamers, undocumented young people who have lived in the United States for much of their lives, as an example of a narrative that ultimately does more harm than good.

“This narrative that young people are the ones that deserve to be here because they are ‘good students’ is hard to swallow, because many in our communities don’t have that opportunity,” he said. “Focusing mainly on young people and using language like ‘they came here through no choice of their own’ is implicitly putting the blame on our parents, making them and other members in our community that much more deportable.”

He added: “It’s not only the Republicans or Democrats putting that out there. We often end up using this narrative within the community.”

It also alienated him on a personal level. Born in 1991 in Colombia, Andrade moved to the U.S. with his family when he was five years old. After his visa expired soon after, he and his family became undocumented (Andrade received his green card when he was in his early twenties). “I was never one of those students. I was never the valedictorian — I was the kid that was always struggling, goofing off in class and cutting class,” Andrade said. “The ‘Dreamer’ narrative didn’t represent me, and it did a lot of damage for me personally. When I learned what being undocumented really meant in high school — that there were things I couldn’t do because of my status — I fell into a deep depression. I ended up dropping out of school and giving up.”

He added: “It was doing communications and organizing that brought back the hope I had lost.”

Many immigrant rights advocates who grew up in the height of the Dreamer movement have now embraced a new narrative. “I think there’s a lot of people who came out of that movement that are able to see how damaging that rhetoric was. And I’ve seen a lot of people shift away from that narrative and be a lot more inclusive,” Andrade said. “We’re now pushing this narrative at the national level that it’s not about who deserves to be here, it’s about all of us.”

After Trump’s announcement to end the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program, Andrade said that strategic communications was vital for Juntos. “We needed to make sure that as an organization, we had messaging that addressed what was happening to our community and at the same time inspired people to continue to fight and organize,” he said. Juntos prepared a media statement and the day of the announcement, organized a rally in defense of DACA. “When Jeff Sessions announced the end of DACA, our community was already out in the streets marching, and our statement of resistance went live soon after,” Andrade said. “It was an incredibly powerful moment for our community.”

For Andrade, the ReFrame Mentorship has reinforced his belief in the importance of communications strategy for organizers and movements.

“Communications needs to be central and not put to the side in social justice movement work. People see it as a commodity or an expensive thing that you need to hire an expensive consultant for,” he said. “But it’s so vital to have somebody or have a group of people thinking about our messaging. Especially during these times, it’s really important to have the right messaging and the right story and have the right people telling those stories.”

For 27 years, Cook Inletkeeper has worked to protect Alaska’s waterways and the life and people that they sustain. According to Brandon Hill, the organization’s Communications Director and a 2017 ReFrame mentee, that work is always an uphill battle.

“Alaska is on the frontlines of our changing climate,” Hill said. Despite that, he explained, “We are also at the frontlines of fossil fuel extraction. Disappearing Arctic ice is even seen by the oil and gas industry as an opportunity for more wells.”

Alaska’s reliance on the oil and gas economy has, according to Hill, created division between those who work in or depend on the industry and those most impacted by it. “The state and the current realities of colonization have divided indigenous people and their cultures over these resources,” he added. “The story we need to tell is more than a need for clean energy, but for an entire shift of the climate change narrative towards racial justice.”
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These factors make it all the more important to prioritize strategic communications in their work, Hill said. “We’re so often playing whack-a-mole with a focus on uniting around the bad,” he said. “We need to be strategic — what is the story we’re building and sharing, and who are we sharing it with?”

To that end, Cook Inletkeeper has been lifting up frames and messaging that will resonate with a wider cross-section of Alaska’s residents, all the while driving forward the need to transition their local economy away from the oil and gas industry.

“One of the frames we’re using is around salmon, because it’s such a shared value,” Hill said. “We have a scientist on staff who has clearly documented that local salmon streams are warming. And we know that salmon need cold water to spawn. Our hope is it will move people to say, ‘Oh, this is impacting me, and the living resource that connects us all.’”

They have used this shared resource framing in a recent campaign targeting a regional gas company that was leaking methane from their gas platforms into the Cook Inlet, a waterway with a large concentration of offshore platforms and underwater pipelines. Connecting these violations to salmon conservation and the need for clean water, Hill explained, is an entry point to discussing climate change and the need to transition to renewable energy sources. “We’re trying to think strategically now about the bigger picture instead of only saying, ‘This is wrong, and we need to stand up.’”

The election of Donald Trump and his subsequent shakeup of the Environmental Protection Agency has spurred Cook Inletkeeper to double down on strategic communications and local organizing. “Because we know it’s so important now, I feel especially committed to centering communications in our work,” Hill said.

Alaska already feels the impact of the shift in the EPA. The campaign against Pebble Mine, a proposed copper, gold, and molybdenum mineral deposit in the Bristol Bay, is one example. “We considered it under our thumb,” Hill said, speaking of efforts to prevent the mine from being permitted to operate. Now, the EPA is proposing to withdraw a determination that would have protected Bristol Bay. “ We have done such strong work with a large coalition of native and non-native organizations, and the EPA was on our side. Now we’re in a public comment period against them.”

He continued: “A lot of our progress has revolved around the Clean Water Act and the EPA. It feels like we’ve taken not just two steps, but years and years back.”

But the election of Donald Trump and the renewed attention on the EPA as well as the oil and gas industry has created an opening to strengthen local organizing work. “There’s been a lot of organic movement and people wanting to be engaged with something positive,” Hill said.

And partly in response to the election, Cook Inletkeeper is now working on enacting permanent protections in Alaska.

“Politicians say there is no money for moving native communities on the coastlines eroding from rising seas, and that we must continue to subsidize exploration for more fossil fuels. One of our bigger goals over the next five years is to pressure the state on climate mitigation,” Hill said. “We can frame it in a way that says Alaska can be a climate justice leader for our country and set a precedent for other states to follow.”
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According to Hill, the ReFrame Mentorship has given him and Cook Inletkeeper the skill and confidence to create new framing and messaging to move campaigns and long-term vision. “ReFrame has really helped helped me find the toolset to dig into it, versus just having a roundtable every week with our staff,” he said. “That’s been the strongest benefit of the mentorship — guiding us to create the space to center meaningful and strategic communications.”

Fake news, corporate control of the internet, digital surveillance, law enforcement agencies using big data to target communities of color  — all of these issues have taken on increasing importance in recent years. The Center for Media Justice (CMJ), founded in 2008, is at the forefront in ensuring that communities of color are at the center of the debate and policy solutions to these critical problems.

Steven Renderos, a 2017 ReFrame mentee, is the Organizing Director at CMJ, where he leads the organization’s campaign work on the role of media and communications policy in building movements for social change.

The election of Donald Trump dramatically shifted the terrain for CMJ. “We’ve lost a lot in a very short amount of time,” Renderos said. “A lot of the gains we made around communications, especially at the FCC level, all of those got stripped away.” He’s referring to victories won under the Obama administration — FCC rules governing broadband privacy and reforms to the Lifeline program that offers discounted phone service to low-income Americans — that have been reversed under Donald Trump and his new FCC chairman, Ajit Pai.

Renderos believes the most critical fight now and in the coming years will be to preserve net neutrality, and it’s here that CMJ is investing most of its resources. “It’s a fundamental battle,” Renderos explained. “Net neutrality guarantees that all of our voices are created equal online. It is the thing that prevents giant corporations from manipulating and privatizing our communications online. If we lose this, it severely hampers our members, our movements, and our whole sector’s ability to resist in this time period.”

He pointed to campaigns that are savvily using internet, social media, and digital tools to wage campaigns against deportations and police violence. “If you take net neutrality away, the internet just becomes another version of cable TV,” he said.

Communications and messaging have played key roles in CMJ’s work to ensure that communities of color are front and center in debates around net neutrality, and to frame it as a civil rights issue. “Back in early 2009 and 2010, when net neutrality was first being debated at the FCC, the narrative was, ‘This is a debate about ISPs on one side and techies and nerds on the other side, who are mostly white,” Renderos said. “And that lended itself to some potential wedge narratives. Legacy civil rights organizations were against net neutrality. One of the specific roles that we needed to play with partners like Color of Change was lifting up more diverse voices on this issue.”

In response, CMJ lifted up the role of digital tools in amplifying the Black Lives Matter movement and the uprisings in Ferguson and around the country, as well as movements like #Not1More against deportations and the fight at Standing Rock.

Obama-era victories around net neutrality are now being reconsidered, and the FCC is in the process of collecting public comments. CMJ and its partners have been leading efforts to ensure that a wide array of voices — especially organizers and communities of color — submit comments (to date, more than 20 million comments have been submitted, a huge increase over the 4 million submitted in 2015 when the Obama administration took up the issue). Looking to the future, Renderos and CMJ will be working to ensure that Congress doesn’t move legislation forward to weaken net neutrality.

“In moments within the larger coalition spaces we participate in, where we’ll talk about action and getting legislators to do something, we’ve been very intentional about ensuring voices of those who are most affected are at the center of that conversation,” Renderos said. “This is part of what we contribute to this fight. The stories we submitted were all stories of poor people, people of color, on why they care about this issue.”

This messaging and organizing, he added, “has really allowed for other legacy civil rights groups who have taken problematic positions in the past” to change their positions and now be in support of net neutrality.

In all of this work, the support of ReFrame has been essential, Renderos said. Despite being an organization that focuses on and organizes around communications and technology issues, CMJ “needed that support to do communications work,” he said, and “to be strategic in our organizing and our communications.”

With ReFrame’s guidance, CMJ has been able to garner not only increased visibility and press attention, but has been able to reach the right audiences. Whereas previously, CMJ’s congressional briefings would barely make a blip on the media radar, CMJ recently was able to get op-eds placed in strategic outlets like Wired and TechCrunch, timed with a delegation they and their partners made to Capitol Hill to speak about the impact of digital surveillance by police and federal agencies on immigrant communities.

Said Renderos: “ReFrame helps us feel that communications strategy isn’t just a secondary thing, but really part of a larger conversation on the work that we’re doing.”

For statewide organizations that work on a variety of issues, it can often be difficult for their communications staff to manage and plan strategies to effectively get the word out about all of their organization’s work.

That was the case for two of the 2017 ReFrame mentees — Shaunté Harris of the Ohio Organization Collaborative (OOC) and JaNaé Bates of ISAIAH, a faith-based coalition in Minnesota.  Bates, who is the Communications Director for ISAIAH,  works with member organizations and also runs ISAIAH’s own communications work. Harris is the Digital Communication Coordinator for the Ohio Organizing Collaborative, which works not only in six cities and regions — Cleveland, the Valley, Akron, Columbus, Dayton, and Cincinnati — but runs statewide campaigns as well.

“It becomes a bit challenging at times,” said Harris, referring to the need to juggle different campaigns in different regions at the same time. “At the Reframe opening convening, my mentor recommended that we split up buckets of work within our department, so we could work more effectively. So once my champion and I got back, we did just that. We each have been paired with specific campaigns. This way, our department is informed on statewide issues.”

For Bates, the reality of juggling so many campaigns at once meant ReFrame was all the more helpful. “Because ISAIAH is multi-issue, we have seven simultaneous issues happening on any given day,” Bates said. “With me having so many issue campaigns and so many things to focus on, and so many literal priorities, being able to integrate the communications work I do with the organizing work on the ground, and having the tools to do it, has been an immeasurable, invaluable experience.

JaNaé Bates, ISAIAH The two agree that for statewide multi-issue organizations like theirs, in order to have the most impact, it is critical that organizers be trained as communicators. As part of ReFrame, they have been able to train organizing staff on the importance of integrating communications into all aspects of the work.

“We got organizers to think of the communications department as not just people who get media out to press conferences and actions, but as strategic partners on campaigns,” said OOC’s Harris.

Bates led a similar process at ISAIAH. Now, said Bates, “I’m not the only one doing the social media blasts and drafting media advisories and press releases. Organizers are also trained in how to do that. They’re not just creating these actions and then saying, ‘Oh and JaNae will handle the communications.’ It’s completely integrated. They’re thinking about it in the forefront.”

This already has led to results. “You’re doing this amazing work, but if nobody knows about it, it did not happen,” said Bates. “Reorienting them to realize communications is also a core part of their job has been great in building capacity and building power in the state. Getting that grounding in ReFrame has been a catalyst for us to do really great communications work.”

Deepening organizers’ understanding of strategic communications has made their campaigns not only more efficient, but more effective. As Harris put it: “We don’t win by having big actions and random articles written about us. We win by saying the right thing to the right people to get them to take the action that we need them to take.”

For both Harris and Bates, the ReFrame mentorship has not only helped them integrate communications into the organizing work — it has sharpened their own skills as communicators.

“ReFrame has helped me craft a way to balance all of my work,” Harris said. “It has helped us effectively create a strategic campaign plan around whatever issue the city or area is working on, and not just do press conference after press conference.”

Bates echoed Harris: “Through ReFrame, I’ve learned not just to think as a communicator but as an organizer — I’m strategically figuring out what is going to be the most effective in garnering public attention with the narrative that I want.”

She shared one example from this past year: as she and leaders from ISAIAH’s member organizations were brainstorming an action to preserve paid sick days for 150,000 Minnesotans, Bates came up with the idea of using the messaging “Thou shalt not steal 150,000 people’s sick time.” “We wanted to be authentic in our ISAIAH messaging, as we’re faith-based,” Bates explained. “It spread like wildfire. It became the messaging that we basically used throughout the whole legislative session, talking about workers’ wages and health care. Everything was ‘Thou shalt not steal.’ it was so catchy. Even in non-religious coalition spaces, people were chanting that.”

“It was a moment that kind of turned into a movement.”

When we launched ReFrame in 2015, we had one mission in mind: to develop the next generation of strategic communicators — leaders rooted in grassroots movements who understand how to shape and control the narrative and stories about the issues they work on and, equally importantly, have the strategic thinking and skills to do so. For too long, we have seen how organizations and movements treat communications as an afterthought. On the opposite end of the spectrum, some organizations and leaders engage in magical thinking when it comes to communications work, believing that isolated tactics alone can lead to transformational shifts. (A “viral” video, a slick new microsite — sound familiar to anyone?)

Both kinds of thinking need to change. At ReFrame, we believe that this work requires a three-pronged approach:

1. Training individual communicators in strategic communications;
2. Supporting organizations’ ability to integrate strategic communications as a core strategy; and
3. Strengthening the ability of organizations to increase the strategic capacity of entire networks, sectors, and movements in which they operate.

Since our launch, we have trained 33 mentees from organizations working on some of the most pressing issues of our time — from immigrant rights to the movement for Black lives, climate change to workers’ rights. Three years in, we’ve learned some important lessons. We offer up what we’ve learned as a reminder to all of us that investing in strategic communications capacity can lead not only to campaign victories — it can shift the terrain that we work on, tilling the soil for long-term, transformational change. At a time when we are witnessing the resurgence of right-wing movements, this work is even more critical.

1. Training and mentorship is key — and investing in both can lead to major wins.

“Before ReFrame, I didn’t have a sense of what strategic communications was. Now I know enough to know what bad or non-strategic communications looks like. Now that I have this awareness, I can help cultivate and institutionalize an organization-wide sensibility around this. I now have a strategic communications lens in my head, and there is no turning back.”
— Clarke Gocker, PUSH Buffalo

“ReFrame has been an experience of a lifetime that taught me a lot of lessons about communications strategy. Got Green is now in more control of the climate narrative in Seattle.”
— Hodan Hassan, Got Green

At ReFrame, we train mentees in everything from how to gain the right kind of press coverage to ways to use new communications and digital tools to higher-level strategies on how to shift the underlying narratives that shape issue environments. At the end of the program, all of our mentees reported they had deepened their understanding of communications strategy and felt more confident in developing and implementing tactics and strategy.

Here are just a few examples of the work that our mentees led, with the support of ReFrame:

• At BYP100, we supported mentee L’lerrét Jazelle Ailith,​ who developed and ran a communications strategy for “Freedom Now,” a national day of action that focused attention on the need to divest from police departments and invest in communities. This work led to high-profile press coverage, introducing a transformative demand into the debate around police accountability and reform.
• In the Twin Cities, our mentee Stephanie Gasca at Centro de Trabajadores Unidos en La Lucha (CTUL) played a leading role in crafting communications strategy for the coalition that successfully pushed for expansive paid sick days legislation.
• And in California, ReFrame mentees at several domestic worker organizations helped guide the communications work that led to winning permanent protections for domestic workers, as a prior bill was about to sunset.

2. By shifting dominant narratives, we strengthen our capacity to win and set ourselves up for long-term victories.

“Before ReFrame, I wasn’t sure if it was possible to reframe our narratives, but [as an organizer] going through the process from a communications standpoint has made me realize that comms is just as important [as organizing], because it plays a major role in tilling the soil to change our narrative.”
—Stephanie Gasca Centro de Trabajadores Unidos en Lucha

Too often, we think of communications work as holding press conferences and accumulating media hits. But when we integrate an “upstream” communications strategy — in the form of reframing the debate, counter-narratives and tailored audience targeting — we can shift the advantage away from opponents and shift the narrative, setting us up for long-term victories.

Here’s one example: By the end of summer 2016, California Governor Jerry Brown had signed six climate justice bills into law — and according to mentee Kay Cuanjuco of the California Environmental Justice Alliance (CEJA), these bills might not have passed without integrating communications with organizing.

Before ReFrame, CEJA was strong on tactics, such as developing visuals and videos to carry their messages. But with ReFrame support, CEJA developed a larger strategy that included narrative analysis, development of a counter-narrative, and audience segmentation that moved a common story and ensured their visuals, videos, op-eds, and earned media reached the people they most needed to sway.

As a result, they succeeded in lifting up stories and solutions from communities working on climate issues at the grassroots level, making the argument that these programs could benefit from more state support to bring them to scale — precedent-setting policy change for environmental and climate justice and a win-win for impacted communities and for California.

3. The progressive movement needs a deep and long lasting investment in strategic communications capacity at the organizational and networked level in order to win.  

Over the past several years, we have seen the growth of a vibrant, creative, grassroots civil rights movement, from the movement for Black Lives to Not1More to the resistance at Standing Rock. And we have seen how quickly those gains can be halted by a powerful and emboldened far-right movement. How do we move forward?

More than ever, ReFrame is committed to responding to the needs of our movements and to contributing to the development of a robust progressive communications ecosystem. We must move forward in a new way, in order to defend our gains and advance visionary narratives that reframe what is possible, even in the hardest of times.

We are ready to expand our work as part of the solution. Join the next generation of strategic communicators and help build the capacity of our movements to not only win, but to shift the boundaries of what’s possible. Join ReFrame: http://www.reframementorship.org/apply-now.html