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Announcing the new Disinfo Defense Toolkit!

October 7, 2020

Curated by ReFrame and PEN America for the Disinfo Defense League. Powerful tools to push back while continuing to advance our work for justice

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Curated by ReFrame and PEN America for the Disinfo Defense League.

We are facing a storm of disinformation, conspiracy theories, half-truths and lies. But organizers know what’s up.

Cover of the Disinfo Defense Toolkit with logos of PEN America, ReFrame and Disinfo Defense League
Disinfo Defense Toolkit

We just need relevant tools to push back while continuing to advance our work for justice. We understand that while the details of the disinfo might be new, the underlying narratives that make the disinfo believable have been advancing for decades.

These new disinformation streams give emotional urgency to these narratives, often by exploiting fear, and thrive in voids of clear, factual and equally emotional information. As we respond to disinformation and misinformation, it’s our job to start seeding counter narratives that innoculate against disinformation by creating a new common sense where racist, sexist and homophobic values have no place, and therefore little cognitive traction through which to spread (Check out our blog post for more).

This toolkit can help you do this, during this election season and beyond.

Thank you to all who contributed tools and resources to this first edition:

American Press Institute
Claudia Flores-Saviaga
First Draft
Institute for the Future
Dr. Joan Donovan
Kairos
Media Justice
Strategic Victory Fund
The Leadership Conference
Ultraviolet
United We Dream
University of Wisconsin-Madison
Voting Rights Lab
Win Black/Pa’lante
Wisconsin Watch

Note: When you open the toolkit, you can navigate through it by clicking on the page numbers of each tool in the table of contents. Tools that are also online contain external links to those original webpages. These webpage links are marked by blue rectangles (if viewing with Adobe or Preview), hyperlinked, or the actual URL is included.

A soccer field that is lifted on one side to show an un-level playing field.

Fighting Disinformation, Building Narrative Power

October 6, 2020

We are organizing and telling stories on an uneven playing field, where the underlying narratives have long been shaped by highly conservative forces. This is the playing field on which mis-and-disinformation is spreading. So how do we combat it?

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At ReFrame, we envision a world where marginalized communities have the power to shape meaning and material conditions toward justice. To get there, we first need to understand that the terrain on which we’re operating is stacked against us. We are organizing and telling stories on an uneven playing field, where the underlying narratives have long been shaped by a vast and resourced network of highly conservative forces. While narratives are never static and are always up for contention, conservative narratives of racism, sexism and homophobia have been built into the functioning of society and continue to undergird many systems and institutions today.

This is the playing field on which disinformation and misinformation is spreading. Disinfo and misinfo spread because the content invokes narratives that feel like common sense to certain audiences, including anti-Blackness, anti-Semitism, misogyny, and red-baiting. While the details of the disinfo might be new, the underlying narratives that make the disinfo believable have been advancing for decades. These new disinformation streams give emotional urgency to these narratives, often by exploiting fear, and thrive in voids of clear, factual and equally emotional information.

So how do we combat disinformation and misinformation? The same way we work to even the playing field and shape meaning and conditions toward justice for the long term. By moving strategically to control the debate, and by building social power for the long term.

Another way to talk about social power is narrative power. At ReFrame, we define

narrative as a collection of related stories that are articulated and refined over time to represent a central idea or belief.1 We must build the power we need to have our narratives matter– narratives that advance racial, economic, gender, and climate justice. The more our narratives build influence and traction, the more we even the playing field toward justice, and the more we change conditions to even this playing field, the more our narratives can matter. As we respond to disinformation and misinformation, it’s our job to start seeding counter narratives that innoculate against disinformation by creating a a new common sense where racist, sexist and homophobic values have no place, and therefore little cognitive traction through which to spread.

We’ve known for years that our opponents lie and manipulate people to maintain and consolidate power. They’ve used advertisements in news media, made deceitful phone calls to voters, and posted anonymous and misdirecting flyers in shops. What’s different is that the digital realm, a realm in which we make meaning and sense of the world and connect with people, has created the opportunity for a wider range of bad actors to spread disinfo, and has allowed for more varied and targeted ways for it to be spread. That is exactly what’s happening today, and it is contributing to a sense of chaos that can feed into mounting fascism, unless we launch an increasingly coordinated movement response.

Tracking, combatting, and neutralizing disinformation isn’t separate from our narrative power-building approaches as organizers and advocates. Instead, we see it as something we should integrate into the work we’re already doing — print and social media scanning, 1:1 conversations on the doors and on the phones, the ways we communicate with our bases and our members, and how we organize and work with journalists and digital platforms. That said, we also need to combine forces with others who are doing larger platform accountability campaigns, journalist education and organizing, and building networks of trusted messengers, disruptors and meaning makers across all sectors of society (see our Movement Framework for Disinformation Response).

It’s going to take more than a pithy tweet that goes viral to neutralize disinformation and seed the narratives that we want to be common sense, although it might help from time to time. We don’t have to choose to strategically respond to disinformation or spend our time building narrative power – to try to prioritize one or the other. In these times and in the fights we are in for our lives and the lives of people we love and care about, we can and need to do both.

Let’s build power, fight lies and fascism, and win the world we long for.

Stay tuned for our Disinfo Defense Toolkit, co-curated with PEN America coming soon!

1: This definition was developed by Narrative Initiative in conversation with 100 strategists, as outlined in their paper Towards a New Gravity

2: The concept of the internet as the “digital realm” comes to us from Kairos, from their Medium post, Building Power Online

THE RONA REPORT: THE ECONOMY, WORKERS & UNEMPLOYMENT

May 19, 2020

Exploring the narrative weather of Covid-19. The Rona Report is a project of ReFrame and Solea Signals. COVID time is confusing. It can feel like light speed and sloth slow all at once.

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Exploring the narrative weather of Covid-19. The Rona Report is a project of ReFrame and Solea Signals.

COVID time is confusing. It can feel like light speed and sloth slow all at once. The same goes for public debate at this time; trending concepts like “flatten the curve” and “Grandma Killer” can appear and disappear within days and weeks, while narratives that we’d like to see disappear, like “Yellow Peril” and “Government as freedom-killer,” threaten to become further entrenched.  

Navigating the dynamics of this narrative space is no easy task when we’re putting out the fires and running from crisis to crisis. The Rona Report is here to help those of us who don’t have time to find the signal in the noise. We’re drawing out trends and analyzing them to offer you possibilities to leverage them toward big change.

This week, in our inaugural Rona Report (see endnote for research methods), we’re exploring narrative weather trends from the past three months around Covid-19, the economy and workers.

Want to make sure you receive future Rona Reports and other nerdy behind-the-scenes-banter about building a narrative weather station? If you haven’t already, make sure you sign up here.

“THE ECONOMY, STUPID!”

In 1992 political strategist James Carville declared, “The economy, stupid.” This became a core message for Bill Clinton’s winning campaign against George H.W. Bush. The message became a mantra, and “the economy” became a primary driver of U.S. narrative in modern times. This is no different under Covid-19.

When looking at the conversation about the economy during Covid-19, two primary trends emerge: the Trump Economy and the Covid Economy.

  • The Trump Economy is used as a way to talk about the economy before Covid-19, an economy that centers economic growth over human life. The phrase simultaneously casts President Trump as primarily responsible for a growth economy, while denouncing any government action that would interfere in the free market.
  • The Covid Economy is used as a marker to distinguish the economy during the pandemic from the Trump Economy that we had “before.” Stories inside this trend range from unemployment to economic depressions, recessions, recovery, supply chains, bankruptcy, the stock market and stimulus or austerity. These stories generally reinforce the ideals of neoliberalism, and refer to people as consumers or workers.

TRENDS IN TRUMP ECONOMY AND COVID ECONOMY FEB 8 - APR 29, 2020

Google Trend map graph with two lines one red, one blue to show the volume of searches for COVID Economy vs. Trump Economy
  • While the Trump Economy trend dominated through March, the Covid Economy began to contend for popularity in April, at times surpassing the Trump Economy in volume.
  • These two dominant trends traded top status several times through mid-April, when Trump announced guidelines for reopening state economies.
  • After April 16, the Covid Economy reemerged as more popular than the Trump Economy and remained more popular for the rest of the month.

Amidst these two trends, we wondered how social movement reframing of the economy compared. We explored the popularity of Solidarity Economy and Care Economy.

  • The Solidarity Economy or the Care Economy are reframes that center the humanity of workers, caring for people over profit, mutual aid, regulation for equity, and the transformation of the economy around these values. They center demands like cancelling rent and forgiving student loans as advanced by “the People’s Bailout” and “Recovery for All” campaigns. While these demands are necessary, our research shows that interest is higher around the topics of unemployment, hazard pay, personal protective equipment (PPE), and paycheck protection (see graphs in Workers section below).

TRENDS IN SOLIDARITY AND CARE ECONOMY VS. COVID AND TRUMP ECONOMY
FEB 8 - APR 29, 2020

Google Trend map graph with four lines of various colors to show the volume of searches for COVID Economy vs. Trump Economy vs Care Economy vs Solidarity Economy

Hot Takes

  • Just because the Solidarity and Care Economies haven’t hit the same volume as the Trump Economy and Covid Economy, that doesn’t mean we should abandon them. On the contrary, it means we should double down on posts, stories and other content that lift up conversation around these reframes. The political and economic terrain is still shifting. Right now the data suggests that conversation on the Solidarity and Care Economies rises in response to dominant frames. We can take advantage of these patterns and push this rise in conversation to larger peaks with greater coordination in the framing and timing of our communications.

  • Our scanning shows a specific urgency to name and claim the Solidarity, Care and other transformed economies that we deserve: economists, finance think tanks and media that cater to big business and stock traders are already talking about the Economy of the Future. While we focus on the reform demands that our communities urgently need in this crisis, we also need to articulate our visions for how to make these reforms permanent. Otherwise we surrender the parameters of what’s possible to what is currently trending: corporate-driven conversation about “back-to-normal” or “business as usual economics” or “post-corona” GDP, goods, services, and human capital, or at best new models of green neoliberalism like a Planetary Health Index. We must start talking about the economy of the future or we surrender this vision to corporate America once again.

  • Our small listening exposed a frame across content that America is The Economy. This frame shows up in rhetoric that conflates individual freedom and returning to work. This conflation is used to justify anti-immigrant policies and sentiment in the name of giving jobs back to American workers (code for “deserving white workers”). We must be cautious to not equate people with the sole identity of worker or small business owner. We must prop up values of internationalism and interdependence that we need to push back against racism and xenophobia and achieve a just recovery. There is an opportunity in this challenge to push the nation toward the revolution of values that is long overdue.

  • Current trends treat the government as a sort of on/off switch for the economy as it relates to shutting down or reopening “business as usual.” To reopen or not is a loud conversation. But there is opportunity now, as we head into election season, to lift up policies and relief efforts made by the government (not just at the federal but at the state and municipal levels) as examples of how the government can function all of the time to protect of public health and well-being.

WORKERS AND THE WAVE OF UNEMPLOYMENT

With 33+ million people in the United States laid off, furloughed and out of paid work, there is a once-in-a-generation opportunity to shape the conversation about jobs, labor, workers, wages, and the role of the government in relationship to protecting workers and regulating corporations and the economy.

While we are all in this together, historic and present day systemic racism means that Black people, Native people, Latinx people and some segments of Asian-American communities are getting sick and dying at far higher rates than white people. There are many reasons for these disparities, and one of them is that it is people of color, and often women of color, who are disproportionately exposed to the virus because they hold down frontline jobs.

In this context, it’s of course more important than ever to fight for workers’ rights. But just as everything in the rest of the world has changed, the way we demand these protections also has to change.

Similar to the economy search, the popularity volume trend of Workers Rights has erratic peaks and valleys but overall the pattern is steady. By the middle of March we see the emergence of Essential Workers as a core trend with significant volume increase over workers rights.

TRENDS IN WORKERS RIGHTS AND ESSENTIAL WORKERS FEB 8 - APR 29, 2020

Google Trend map graph with two lines one red, one blue to show the volume of searches for workers rights vs essential workers

When we explore unemployment in comparison to workers rights and essential workers, we can see that the peaks and valleys of essential workers and unemployment are similar but the volume of unemployment is much higher.

TRENDS IN WORKERS RIGHTS AND ESSENTIAL WORKERS VS. UNEMPLOYMENT
FEB 8 - APR 29, 2020

Google Trend map graph with three lines of red, blue, and yellow to show the volume of searches for workers rights vs essential workers vs unemployment

Taking it a step further we begin searching for the patterns in search popularity around demands coming from individuals, communities and organizations in response to the economic crises under Covid-19 including hazard pay, paycheck protection, and unemployment benefits.

TRENDS IN HAZARD PAY, PAYCHECK PROTECTION AND UNEMPLOYMENT BENEFITS
FEB 8 - APR 29, 2020

Google Trend map graph with three lines of red, blue, and yellow to show the volume of searches for hazard pay, paycheck protection, unemployment benefits

While we searched for several variations of PPE for workers, the volume is negligible in relationship to wages and salary for workers. Finally, we explored other demands in relationships to unemployment benefits and the CARES Act (which included paycheck protections for some). These included canceling rent, student loan forgiveness, and the people’s bailout.

TRENDS IN CANCEL RENT, STUDENT LOAN FORGIVENESS AND PEOPLE’S BAILOUT VS. UNEMPLOYMENT BENEFITS AND CARES ACT FEB 8 - APR 29, 2020

Hot Takes

  • Our scanning found that unemployment and unemployment benefits are dominant conversations with far higher volume of interest than workers rights or any of the specific economic demands made by our movements.

  • There is a tremendous opportunity to lead with a broad tent of demands that benefit workers under the banner of unemployment benefits.

  • Entering the debate where its volume is highest allows our demands to be heard by more people and also gives us the opportunity to use expanded unemployment as a springboard toward a cascading set of demands and policies we need.
  • The conversation about unemployment can be used as the hook to elevate the Solidarity Economy and Care Economy.
  • Both frames need to include an explicit and implicit race and gender lens.

  • Linking all of our workers’ rights and economic demands to unemployment benefits allows us to point back to a progressive narrative about the role of government. We can then seed the ideas, beliefs and values for the future of the government and an economy that provides economic security to all, both now and in a post-Covid-19 world.
  • When we talk about workers, we might think twice about casting them as either “essential” or as “heroes.” This language can reinforce the idea that some workers are essential to keeping Capitalism running for profit but that their bodies and their health are disposable, or that workers are soldiers, eligible for sacrifice in the war economy. Consider using “frontline workers” more consistently, and naming economic necessity and race and gender bias as structural forces that shape who makes up this workforce, rather than innate heroism.

THE POSSIBILITIES

Narrative is a process and not a product. If we are trying to influence common sense, then we have to crack open space so that new meaning can be made to fuel the breakdown of trust in some narratives while establishing confidence and hope in others. We can do this by seeding doubt and seeding vision. This is not a linear process, it is a dance. Here are some possible steps in this dance:

  1. Interrupt the false dichotomy that we have to choose between saving the economy and saving lives. Instead we can name that there is no more important business than saving lives, and that the integrity and sustainability of our economy depends on a humane and evidence-based approach to the pandemic. We can use examples like the Works Progress Administration and The New Deal to showcase policies that supported both work and people’s humanity while being careful to not prioritize “back to work” over health and safety. We can also use examples from other countries where businesses have had to abruptly close after reopening caused spikes in COVID-19 cases.

  1. Establish the ideas and values of the Economy of the Future.
    We must move the needle beyond “Trump economy” and “Covid economy” and define “the Economy of the Future.” Whether it’s the Care Economy, the Solidarity Economy, or the Green New Deal, we must seed the vision that the government is responsible for the regulation of corporations and the distribution of resources for an equitable and healthy economic future for all. We can begin by providing a steady drumbeat to prop up the crisis measures that should become a permanent feature of our society: expanded unemployment, better health protections and compensation for some workers, the CARE Act, and stimulus checks that should be the precursor to Universal Basic Income. There is already proof these things are possible.

  1. Be explicit about race, class and gender within the Economy of the Future
    We know from the seminal work of Makani Themba, and from the messaging work of Anat Shenker-Osorio and Ian Haney López, that when we erase race from our communication we set ourselves up for policies and practices that further entrench institutional racism. The small listening we conducted shows that we are good at talking about race, class and gender in discussing disparities in COVID rates and economic impacts. In some cases we are also good at talking about disparities in access to relief. We can take the additional step of naming that any economic recovery must set the groundwork for an equitable economy of the future where race, class and gender based disparities in health and economic security are eliminated.
  2. Provide for ourselves, but also demand the government we need to make transformative change. Our small listening of partners and progressive forces showed that our messaging and stories have focused heavily on mutual aid. While mutual aid is beautiful, necessary and literally life-saving, we can name that this community action can and should be enacted by the government on a larger scale. We frequently concede that the government doesn’t care about us and therefore will not implement the policies required to regulate the economy and take care of people’s most basic needs like shelter, food, and resources. Instead, we can distinguish between the current federal government as it has been shaped by neo-liberal ideology and the expanded, responsive and participatory government we need: a government that should function as a guarantor of collective rights, a regulator for mutual aid, an investor in public services, and an expression of multi-racial democracy that enacts economic policies that care for all people.

  3. Name, pressure and delegitimize elected officials who are choosing profit over life. Prop up elected officials who are getting it right. Instead of just broadly naming “the government” as untrustworthy and inefficient, directly target and call out specific elected officials for their inability to keep people safe. Give concrete examples of how their failure to govern directly leads to sickness and death that leaves no one untouched. Give concrete alternatives by pointing to elected officials who are taking bold action to protect life while also providing economic relief and making measured plans for economic recovery.

  4. Speak to the bigger “we” that has been created by this moment, and appeal to cross-racial solidarity among the 99%. Our economy is built on discrimination and exploitation, and this pandemic is hitting poor people, women and other people of color harder than ever. Demands to reopen the economy are spearheaded largely by white privileged conservatives at the expense of Black and Brown people working in frontline jobs, as well as elderly people and disabled people. Unemployment insurance (and other pieces of the social safety net) has long been framed as an encouragement to laziness and sloth, a definite racial dog whistle.

    There is a new landscape of possibility: the vast numbers of us who are economically and physically vulnerable because of the pandemic constitute a larger “we.” A broader set of us share material conditions of uncertainty in this crisis as well as a heightened sense of responsibility for each others’ health, which can lead to an increased sense of social solidarity. This larger WE can be encouraged to take action to pressure our government to more fully transform the economy.

Endnote – Research Methods
This report uses a combination of Google Trends analytics and “small listening” or content analysis done by our Signals team at ReFrame. Google Trends analyzes “a sample of data based on Google web searches to determine how many searches were done over a period of time.” The results are a 50,000 foot view of search term popularity over time. While we are not looking at absolute volume, we can get a sense of the movement of a conversation or set of conversations across time and in comparison to each other. While the data from Google is imperfect, and partial as all data is, it is free and can be a useful tool for foraying into the world of big listening. Future Rona Reports will combine big listening, Google Trends and human-powered small listening.

Threat Modeling & Swot Planning

April 23, 2020

At ReFrame, drawing from our experiences inside of other crisis moments, two of the tools we’ve been using to coordinate our team in the time of COVID-19 is individual and organizational threat modeling & SWOT planning.

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At ReFrame, drawing from our experiences inside of other crisis moments, two of the tools we’ve been using to coordinate our team in the time of COVID-19 is individual and organizational threat modeling & SWOT planning.

Threat Modeling
Threat modeling is a practice to prepare individuals and organizations in the event of threat – like the COVID-19 pandemic – and identifying ways to mitigate or lessen the impact of the threat, or eliminate the impact all together.

We use a five-step exercise to build our threat model.

1. Identify the Threat

This is the crucial first step. A threat is something that has happened, is happening or you can with some level of certainty assume will happen. If we don’t know what we’re up against, we can’t plan to lessen or eliminate the impact of it. For multiple threats, create multiple threat models.

2. Name the Impact Areas

Impact areas are a thing, a person or persons, or an activity that will be negatively affected by the threat. If we can assess where the threat will have a negative impact, then we have a better sense of where to focus our efforts.

3. Think through the Potential Outcomes

Potential Outcomes are what you think will happen to the impact areas if the threat succeeds. This can address both the direct and indirect results from the threat’s success. If we can think through possible outcomes, we can think of possible actions to either lessen the effect of the threat or eliminate the effect of the threat all together.

4. Action Planning: Mitigation

These are the actions you can take to lessen the effect of the threat on the impact area. This does not mean that you have mitigated the threat in and of itself, but rather the impact on a particular person, place, thing or action/activity. There are different actions for different risk levels as individuals and collectives, and it’s good to map those out if you can.

5. Action Planning: Elimination

These are the actions you can take to eliminate the threat. This does not imply that the threat is eliminated, but rather it means that the impact of the threat is eliminated.

We have a Google Slide template for threat modeling, a linear approach through the five steps.

Another idea is to create a flowchart like this.

​Last, but not least, inside of crisis moments things are always changing. One design process we like to help us adapt our threat models to shifting conditions is called PAI: Postulate, Assess, Iterate. It means that as we do our threat model, we ask questions and brainstorm. After completing it, we assess it with ourselves and those we work with and care about. After we assess it, we then iterate or develop it further to respond to the assessment.

Identifying Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities, and Threats (SWOT)

Another tool we used as an organization is called SWOT, a tool that helps us identify our strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats. To further develop your strategic action plan use the SWOT template we’ve developed to help you answer strategic questions that will assess the strengths, tools, and resources at hand.

​In addition to looking at the organizational level, we added an extra layer on it to look at the movement ecosystem your organization is a part of as well.

  1. Identify your strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats for your organization and for the ecosystem you are a part of.
  2. Rank what you’ve come up with for each section.
  3. Answer the following questions to start planning concrete steps.
  4. How do you use your strengths to take advantage of opportunities?
  5. How do you overcome weaknesses preventing you from taking advantage of opportunities?
  6. How can your strengths reduce the probability of threats?
  7. What can you do about your weaknesses to make the threats less likely?

A Movement Moment: Narrative in the Time of Corona

April 23, 2020

We are here with you. Our hearts and thoughts are with everyone who is struggling right now.

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We are here with you. Our hearts and thoughts are with everyone who is struggling right now.

Like many people across the country, at ReFrame, we are sorting through the many layers of worry and stress to prepare. We are shoring up our staff and networks to survive this crisis, and to lean into the opportunity COVID-19 is presenting. (We took our team through threat modeling as a part of our organization practice  and supported them to use the tool for personal planning. And leaned into some good old SWOT planning).

Many of us are worried about the worst: what if my family gets sick? What if my partner loses their job? How will my parents have income? Will my friend have somewhere to live? These worries extend beyond our homes to our neighbors, to our communities, to our states, and to our country.

These worries feel heavier, because we all understand that as a society, as governments, and  industries respond to the pandemic – these responses will shape norms and rules in society for the foreseeable future.

Common sense in society is up for grabs, and what is true about society can significantly shift.

The question is: How will we move in this moment to shape the post-pandemic world in ways that were unimaginable two months ago?

We can already see that this crisis has created a challenge for opponents of justice and democracy. We can see this most embodied by Trump and his MAGA movement when they faltered in their opportunity to reify Trump as the prophet of American protectionism. This crisis is also creating cracks in what seems like a powerful relationship between electeds and media.

These cracks in the opposition and the impacts of the crisis stretch across geography, race, gender, class, generation and political affiliation, we have a responsibility to move differently.

We have also seen the emergence of distributed mutual aid networks that are utilizing new technologies, existing strong networks (parents, faith, community, identity, etc) to take care of each other, driven by solidarity and not the market.

The fumbling of our opposition and the spontaneous rise in solidarity are heartening, and we are just in the beginning.

As in any crisis, that window of what is possible, of what people understand to be true could shift towards national protectionism and authoritarianism. But it doesn’t have to.

We believe we can shift it towards a common sense where the government becomes a vehicle for mutual aid, a different economy where the market doesn’t dictate social goods like healthcare, a society built on trust and solidarity (the narratives that undergird so many existing campaigns).

While we wrestle with the heaviness of this moment, the uncertainty, the fear, we have an opportunity to collectively write the story of what our world will become in the days, months, and years after the coronavirus pandemic. This will require us to move beyond the practical challenges we all face in our existing work.

This moment requires us to move differently and shift what we have been doing, not to match the challenge of today, but to build tomorrow.

We are talking with our partners, listening to our networks, and making plans for what this moment calls for and what we think is possible. We will be leveraging our relationships and lessons from some experiments in narrative to find the right next step. Over the next couple of days we will keep you in the loop of what we are seeing and what we are doing, and how we can work together in these times.

In solidarity,
#TeamReFrame

Creating an Ecosystem for Narrative Power

July 16, 2019

The political landscape is shifting by the week. What we need to stay above the current is what will allow us to build narrative power for the long-haul.

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ReFrame’s piece on Narrative Power, is now up now on Medium.

It argues, among other things, that developing new leaders that reflect our changing democracy, and equipping these leaders with relevant infrastructure and relationships is a cornerstone in the ecosystem of narrative power.

Because contrary to popular belief, narratives don’t trickle down, they grow up.

The political landscape is shifting by the week. What we need to stay above the current is what will allow us to build narrative power for the long-haul. This includes:

  • Deep investment in the leaders who reflect our changing democracy
  • Access to the latest technology to integrate research and data into organizing
  • Bridging grassroots groups and strategy institutions to help bring grassroots organizing power to scale in the arena of narrative change

Please share this piece in your networks!

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